BIG IN JAPAN（注1）

Nearly all of the technologies that drove Japan's stunning economic growth through the 1960s and 1970s were disruptive relative to the dominant American and European manufacturers. For example, Japanese steel companies began exporting inexpensive steel targeted at the lowest qualitytiers of the American steel market in the early 1960s. As the Japanese captured these markets and drove the prices of their products down, Western steel makers simply exited those tiers of the market to focus instead where profit margins were higher. To improve their own margins, the Japanese steel makers then pursued the Americans into the higher tiers of the market. Today, Japanese companies such as Nippon Steel, Nippon Kokkan, and Kobe Steel are among the world's largest high-quality steel producers.

In similar fashion, Toyota attacked the lowest tiers of the North American automobile market inthe 1960s with its Corona model. Over time, this strategy created new growth markets. The cars were so simple and ultimately so reliable that they became second cars in the garages of middle income Americans. This track worked until Toyota encountered competition in this tier from other Japanese companies such as Datsun (Nissan), Honda, and Mazda. To maintain its profit margins, Toyota then introduced models targeted at more demanding consumers -- first the Corolla and the Tercel, then the Camry, the 4Runner, and the Lexus, and finally the Avalon line. Honda and Nissan have followed Toyota in this upmarket march. From the small manufacturers of the cheap Japanese imports of the 1960s, these firms have grown into huge global corporations that make some of the highest-quality automobiles in the world.

Another good example is the Sony transistor radio. In the 1950s, Sony's battery-powered pocket radio was one of the world's first applications for the transistor, which was then a disruptive technology relative to the vacuum tube. The sound produced by these cheap radios was tinny and static-laced, but Sony's customers -- teenagers who could listen to rock-and-roll out of the earshot of their parents for the first time --did not care. Within a few years, Sony and its Japanese competitors had driven American radio producers (who relied on vacuum tubes fortheir larger, higher-quality products) from the market. Sony disrupted the television market in the same way, starting with a cheap, portable black-and-white model and ending up with its Trinitron. Japan later followed the same tactic in the video-recording and home-sound-system markets. Far from the days when the "Made in Japan" label was considered an epithet, Sony, Matsushita, and Sharp are today among the largest makers of high-quality consumer electronics products in theworld.

Over and over again, Japanese companies succeeded with this approach. But disruptive technologies also set their own trap. These very firms are now stuck at the high end of their own markets, paralyzed by the four practices of good management cited above. Their best customers are now the most sophisticated and demanding ones, with needs that cannot be served with just another round of disruptive products. The firms' skills at careful planning are legendary, enabling them to compete better in established markets, but they now work against aggressively creating new markets. Their profit margins now can be hurt only if they attempt to move back downmarket. And the most successful of these companies --Toyota, Nippon Steel, Sony, Canon, andMatsushita -- have grown to join the ranks of the world's largest corporations. They can no longer meet their needs for growth with the kind of modest revenues offered by the first transistor radios, portable televisions, tabletop copiers, and compact cars.

Again, Sony is a good example. Between 1950 and 1979, it introduced nine significant disruptive technologies, including pocket radios, portable televisions, consumer video cameras, and the Walkman. Because of their affordability and simplicity, these products allowed ordinary people to do things that previously had been limited to experts or the wealthy. But since 1979, Sony has not created a single new growth market of this genre. The company has adopted a strategy that is very different from the one that led to the dynamic growth of its first 30 years. Even though it now offers technologically innovative products such as its Playstation and the Vaio line of notebook computers, they are sustaining innovations, not market-creating disruptive ones.

Until the late 1970s, Sony's product-launch decisions were strongly guided by its chief executive officer, Akio Morita, who followed his intuition rather than conducting careful market research to unearth the potential for new products. But as the company became huge and successful in the 1980s, it had to hone its good management practices in market research, planning, budgeting, and resource allocation. These careful, rational processes, which are crucial to an established company's efficient operation, prevented one of history's most successful "serial disrupters" fromsucceeding at new market creation.

That said, Sony is exceptional in that it created new market after new market for 30 years before it succumbed to rational management. Most other companies, such as Toyota, Honda, and Canon, created markets only once. Once they secured their initial beachhead, they became fully engaged in exploiting the opportunity they had created and moved aggressively upmarket.

注1：（称霸日本，早先一个英国朋克乐队的名字，也是一首歌的名字，有兴趣的可以听听：http://www.musictea.com/music/play_7876_100530.htm）

II. Champion Aspirations for Human Dignity

A. Summary of National Security Strategy 2002

The United States must defend liberty and justice because these principles are right and true for all people everywhere. These nonnegotiable demands of human dignity are protected most securely in democracies. The United States Government will work to advance human dignity in word and deed, speaking out for freedom and against violations of human rights and allocating appropriate resources to advance these ideals.

B. Successes and Challenges since 2002

Since 2002, the world has seen extraordinary progress in the expansion of freedom, democracy, and human dignity:

• The peoples of Afghanistan and Iraq have replaced tyrannies with democracies.

• In Afghanistan, the tyranny of the Taliban has been replaced by a freely-elected government; Afghans have written and ratified a constitution guaranteeing rights and freedoms unprecedented in their history; and an elected legislature gives thepeople a regular voice in their government.

• In Iraq, a tyrant has been toppled; over 8 million Iraqis voted in the nation's first free and fair election; a freely negotiated constitution was passed by a referendum in which almost 10 million Iraqis participated; and, for the first time in their history, nearly 12 million Iraqis have elected a permanent government under a popularly determined constitution.

• The people of Lebanon have rejected the heavy hand of foreign rule. The people ofEgypt have experienced more open but still flawed elections. Saudi Arabia has taken some preliminary steps to give its citizens more of a voice in their government. Jordan has made progress in opening its political process. Kuwait and Morocco are pursuing agendas of political reform.

• The “color revolutions” in Georgia, Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan have brought new hope for freedom across the Eurasian landmass.

• Democracy has made further advances in Africa, Latin America, and Asia, with peaceful transfers of power; growth in independent judiciaries and the rule of law; improved election practices; and expanding political and economic rights.

The human desire for freedom is universal, but the growth of freedom is not inevitable. Without support from free nations, freedom's spread could be hampered by the challenges we face:

• Many governments are at fragile stages of political development and need toconsolidate democratic institutions – and leaders that have won democratic electionsneed to uphold the principles of democracy;

• Some governments have regressed, eroding the democratic freedoms their peoplesenjoy;

• Some governments have not delivered the benefits of effective democracy andprosperity to their citizens, leaving them susceptible to or taken over by demagoguespeddling an anti-free market authoritarianism;

• Some regimes seek to separate economic liberty from political liberty, pursuingprosperity while denying their people basic rights and freedoms; and

• Tyranny persists in its harshest form in a number of nations.

C. The Way Ahead

The United States has long championed freedom because doing so reflects our values andadvances our interests. It reflects our values because we believe the desire for freedomlives in every human heart and the imperative of human dignity transcends all nations and cultures.

Championing freedom advances our interests because the survival of liberty at homeincreasingly depends on the success of liberty abroad. Governments that honor their citizens' dignity and desire for freedom tend to uphold responsible conduct toward othernations, while governments that brutalize their people also threaten the peace andstability of other nations. Because democracies are the most responsible members of theinternational system, promoting democracy is the most effective long-term measure forstrengthening international stability; reducing regional conflicts; countering terrorism andterror-supporting extremism; and extending peace and prosperity.

To protect our Nation and honor our values, the United States seeks to extend freedomacross the globe by leading an international effort to end tyranny and to promote effectivedemocracy.

1. Explaining the Goal: Ending Tyranny

Tyranny is the combination of brutality, poverty, instability, corruption, and suffering,forged under the rule of despots and despotic systems. People living in nations such asthe Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), Iran, Syria, Cuba, Belarus, Burma,and Zimbabwe know firsthand the meaning of tyranny; it is the bleak reality they endureevery day. And the nations they border know the consequences of tyranny as well, forthe misrule of tyrants at home leads to instability abroad. All tyrannies threaten the world's interest in freedom's expansion, and some tyrannies, in their pursuit of WMD orsponsorship of terrorism, threaten our immediate security interests as well.

Tyranny is not inevitable, and recent history reveals the arc of the tyrant's fate. The 20thcentury has been called the "Democracy Century", as tyrannies fell one by one anddemocracies rose in their stead. At mid-century about two dozen of the world's governments were democratic; 50 years later this number was over 120. The democraticrevolution has embraced all cultures and all continents.

Though tyranny has few advocates, it needs more adversaries. In today's world, no tyrant's rule can survive without the support or at least the tolerance of other nations. Toend tyranny we must summon the collective outrage of the free world against theoppression, abuse, and impoverishment that tyrannical regimes inflict on their people –and summon their collective action against the dangers tyrants pose to the security of theworld.

An end to tyranny will not mark an end to all global ills. Disputes, disease, disorder,poverty, and injustice will outlast tyranny, confronting democracies long after the lasttyrant has fallen. Yet tyranny must not be tolerated – it is a crime of man, not a fact ofnature.

2. Explaining the Goal: Promoting Effective Democracies

As tyrannies give way, we must help newly free nations build effective democracies: states that are respectful of human dignity, accountable to their citizens, and responsibletowards their neighbors. Effective democracies:

• Honor and uphold basic human rights, including freedom of religion, conscience,speech, assembly, association, and press;

• Are responsive to their citizens, submitting to the will of the people, especially when people vote to change their government;

• Exercise effective sovereignty and maintain order within their own borders, protect independent and impartial systems of justice, punish crime, embrace the rule of law,and resist corruption; and

• Limit the reach of government, protecting the institutions of civil society, includingthe family, religious communities, voluntary associations, private property, independent business, and a market economy.

In effective democracies, freedom is indivisible. Political, religious, and economicliberty advance together and reinforce each other. Some regimes have opened theireconomies while trying to restrict political or religious freedoms. This will not work.Over time, as people gain control over their economic lives, they will insist on morecontrol over their political and personal lives as well. Yet political progress can bejeopardized if economic progress does not keep pace. We will harness the tools ofeconomic assistance, development aid, trade, and good governance to help ensure thatnew democracies are not burdened with economic stagnation or endemic corruption.

Elections are the most visible sign of a free society and can play a critical role inadvancing effective democracy. But elections alone are not enough – they must bereinforced by other values, rights, and institutions to bring about lasting freedom. Ourgoal is human liberty protected by democratic institutions.

Participation in elections by individuals or parties must include their commitment to theequality of all citizens; minority rights; civil liberties; voluntary and peaceful transfer ofpower; and the peaceful resolution of differences. Effective democracy also requiresinstitutions that can protect individual liberty and ensure that the government isresponsive and accountable to its citizens. There must be an independent media toinform the public and facilitate the free exchange of ideas. There must be politicalassociations and political parties that can freely compete. Rule of law must be reinforcedby an independent judiciary, a professional legal establishment, and an honest andcompetent police force.

These principles are tested by the victory of Hamas candidates in the recent elections inthe Palestinian territories. The Palestinian people voted in a process that was free, fair,and inclusive.

The Palestinian people having made their choice at the polls, the burden now shifts tothose whom they have elected to take the steps necessary to advance peace, prosperity,and statehood for the Palestinian people. Hamas has been designated as a terroristorganization by the United States and European Union (EU) because it has embracedterrorism and deliberately killed innocent civilians. The international community hasmade clear that there is a fundamental contradiction between armed group and militiaactivities and the building of a democratic state. The international community has alsomade clear that a two-state solution to the conflict requires all participants in thedemocratic process to renounce violence and terror, accept Israel's right to exist, anddisarm as outlined in the Roadmap. These requirements are clear, firm, and of longstanding. The opportunity for peace and statehood – a consistent goal of thisAdministration – is open if Hamas will abandon its terrorist roots and change itsrelationship with Israel.

The elected Hamas representatives also have an opportunity and a responsibility touphold the principles of democratic government, including protection of minority rightsand basic freedoms and a commitment to a recurring, free, and fair electoral process. Byrespecting these principles, the new Palestinian leaders can demonstrate their owncommitment to freedom and help bring a lasting democracy to the Palestinian territories.But any elected government that refuses to honor these principles cannot be consideredfully democratic, however it may have taken office.

3. How We Will Advance Freedom: Principled in Goals and Pragmatic in Means

We have a responsibility to promote human freedom. Yet freedom cannot be imposed; itmust be chosen. The form that freedom and democracy take in any land will reflect thehistory, culture, and habits unique to its people.

The United States will stand with and support advocates of freedom in every land.Though our principles are consistent, our tactics will vary. They will reflect, in part,where each government is on the path from tyranny to democracy. In some cases, wewill take vocal and visible steps on behalf of immediate change. In other cases, we willlend more quiet support to lay the foundation for future reforms. As we consider whichapproaches to take, we will be guided by what will most effectively advance freedom's cause while we balance other interests that are also vital to the security and well-being ofthe American people.

In the cause of ending tyranny and promoting effective democracy, we will employ thefull array of political, economic, diplomatic, and other tools at our disposal, including:

• Speaking out against abuses of human rights;

• Supporting publicly democratic reformers in repressive nations, including by holdinghigh-level meetings with them at the White House, Department of State, and U.S. Embassies;

• Using foreign assistance to support the development of free and fair elections, rule oflaw, civil society, human rights, women's rights, free media, and religious freedom;

• Tailoring assistance and training of military forces to support civilian control of themilitary and military respect for human rights in a democratic society;

• Applying sanctions that designed to target those who rule oppressive regimes whilesparing the people;

• Encouraging other nations not to support oppressive regimes;

• Partnering with other democratic nations to promote freedom, democracy, and humanrights in specific countries and regions;

• Strengthening and building new initiatives such as the Broader Middle East and NorthAfrica Initiative's Foundation for the Future, the Community of Democracies, and theUnited Nations Democracy Fund;

• Forming creative partnerships with nongovernmental organizations and other civilsociety voices to support and reinforce their work;

• Working with existing international institutions such as the United Nations andregional organizations such as the Organization for Security and Cooperation inEurope, the African Union (AU), and the Organization of American States (OAS) tohelp implement their democratic commitments, and helping establish democracycharters in regions that lack them;

• Supporting condemnation in multilateral institutions of egregious violations of humanrights and freedoms;

• Encouraging foreign direct investment in and foreign assistance to countries wherethere is a commitment to the rule of law, fighting corruption, and democraticaccountability; and

• Concluding free trade agreements (FTAs) that encourage countries to enhance therule of law, fight corruption, and further democratic accountability.

These tools must be used vigorously to protect the freedoms that face particular perilaround the world: religious freedom, women's rights, and freedom for men, women, and children caught in the cruel network of human trafficking.

• Against a terrorist enemy that is defined by religious intolerance, we defend the First Freedom: the right of people to believe and worship according to the dictates of their own conscience, free from the coercion of the state, the coercion of the majority, orthe coercion of a minority that wants to dictate what others must believe.

• No nation can be free if half its population is oppressed and denied fundamentalrights. We affirm the inherent dignity and worth of women, and support vigorouslytheir full participation in all aspects of society.

• Trafficking in persons is a form of modern-day slavery, and we strive for its totalabolition. Future generations will not excuse those who turn a blind eye to it.

Our commitment to the promotion of freedom is a commitment to walk alongsidegovernments and their people as they make the difficult transition to effective democracies. We will not abandon them before the transition is secure because immaturedemocracies can be prone to conflict and vulnerable to exploitation by terrorists. We willnot let the challenges of democratic transitions frighten us into clinging to the illusory stability of the authoritarian.

America's closest alliances and friendships are with countries with whom we sharecommon values and principles. The more countries demonstrate that they treat their owncitizens with respect and are committed to democratic principles, the closer and strongertheir relationship with America is likely to be.

The United States will lead and calls on other nations to join us in a commoninternational effort. All free nations have a responsibility to stand together for freedombecause all free nations share an interest in freedom's advance.

The examples abound. Alexander Graham Bell's telephone was initially rejected by WesternUnion, the leading telecommunications company of the 1800s, because it could carry a signal only three miles. The Bell telephone therefore took root as a local communications service that was simple enough to be used by everyday people. Little by little, the telephone's range improved until it supplanted Western Union and its telegraph operators altogether. Merrill Lynch brought equity ownership within the reach of middle-income Americans, and now firms such as E*Trade and Charles Schwab let college students and middle-class investors manage their own portfolios. Likewise, George Eastman's camera enabled amateur photography. In each of these examples, customers ultimately found products and services that were far more reliable, more convenient, and less expensive than what would have been available had these revolutions not occurred. Although they were simple and inadequate at the outset, the disruptive innovations that overturned their industries left people much better off and created huge new waves of economic growth -- despite leaving the wrecks of the industry's prior leaders in their wake.

这样的例子有很多。亚历山大·格雷厄姆·贝尔的电话机最初遭到西联公司（WesternUnion，十九世纪初领先的电讯公司）的拒绝，原因是其信号传送能力最远才3英里。所以贝尔电话机是作为区域通讯服务起步的，其简单程度足以满足人们的日常使用需求。后来，电话机的（信号传送）范围逐渐扩大，直至其排挤掉了西联及其电报服务。美林证券（Merrill Lynch）让美国的中等收入阶层可以持有股份，而像E*Trade和Charles Schwab这样的公司使得大学生和中产阶层的投资者可以管理自己的投资组合。同样，乔治·伊斯门的相机使得业余摄影成为可能。在上述示例中，消费者最终都会发现产品和服务远比在没有这些革新的情况下更可靠、更便利、更便宜。虽然在开始时它们简单、不充分，但倾覆了其所在行业的颠覆性创新改善了人们的生活状况，创造了一波又一波经济增长的新浪潮——尽管紧随其后的是曾经的行业领先者的残骸。

原文好长啊，300多页呢，不翻了，有兴趣的可以博锐去下载。

WTO发表首份《对华贸易政策审议秘书处报告》
2006-03-20 15:04 文章来源：商务部世贸司
文章类型：原创 内容分类：新闻
　　

世界贸易组织（WTO）秘书处于近日发布了《中国贸易政策审议报告》（以下称《报告》），作为4月10日至12日WTO对我国进行首次贸易政策审议的主要参考文件。《报告》由秘书处独立撰写，从宏观经济环境、贸易政策体系、具体贸易措施、特定部门的贸易政策等四方面对我国加入WTO以来的经济贸易政策和做法进行了详细评述。 　　

《报告》总长达303页，大大超过对其他WTO成员审议报告的篇幅，这主要是因为我国是新加入WTO不久的成员，首次进行贸易政策审议，而且我加入WTO以来经贸发展迅速，已成为全球排名第三的贸易大国，各方都十分关注。 　　

《报告》回顾了我改革开放20多年来的经济发展和贸易政策演变进程，多处称赞我经济建设和贸易开放取得了“非凡成就”，对我经济体制、履行加入WTO承诺、贸易政策以及我对多边贸易体制的贡献均从正面做了介绍，所载材料比较翔实，总体基调积极，但同时也对我国宏观经济和贸易政策中存在的一些问题表示了关注。

Photocopiers provide another example. Xerox once dominated the market with its complex, expensive machines. Employees needing photocopies had to wait at the corporate copy center until the operator could get around to the job. But then Ricoh and Canon brought their slow but inexpensive tabletop photocopiers to the market in the early 1980s. Xerox at first ignored these poorly performing machines; they were not good enough to address the needs of the customers who wanted better, faster machines for their high-volume, centralized copy centers. Yet as with minicomputers, the tabletop copiers allowed a larger population of unskilled people to make copies in closets and nearby supply rooms. From those disruptive beginnings, photocopying has become so convenient that easy access to high-quality, feature-rich, and low-cost copying is now viewed as a constitutional right. High-speed photocopying facilities still exist, but they thrive by disrupting conventional printing businesses -- enabling low-skilled operators to copy and bind printed matter on demand, which once required the time-consuming skill of professionals.

再举一个复印机的例子。施乐曾以其复杂、昂贵的复印机在市场中占有绝对优势。需要复印的员工不得不去公司的复印中心等（专职）的操作员来完成复印工作。但后来在八十年代早期，理光和佳能在市场上推出了速度较慢但比较便宜的桌面型复印机。起初施乐没把这些性能拙劣的机器放在眼里；对于那些拥有处理批量任务、集中管理的复印中心的客户来说，这种机器还不够好，满足不了他们的需求，他们需要的是更好的、更快的复印机。然而，如同小型机一样，桌面型复印机让很多不擅长技术的人员可以在小房间和附近的库房进行复印。藉由这些颠覆性的开端，复印后来变得如此方便，以至于现在毫不费力地进行高质量的、内容丰富的、低成本的复印就像一种法定权利一样。高速复印设备依旧存在于市场，但其繁荣归于对传统印刷业的颠覆——使得不太擅长技术的操作人员根据需要进行复印和装订成为可能，而这项工作曾需要专业人员耗时的（专业）技术。

I. Overview of America's National Security Strategy
I. 美国国家安全战略概述

It is the policy of the United States to seek and support democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world. In the world today, the fundamental character of regimes matters as much as the distribution of power among them. The goal of our statecraft is to help create a world of democratic, well-governed states that can meet the needs of their citizens and conduct themselves responsibly in the international system. This is the best way to provide enduring security for the American people.
寻求并支持每个国家、每种文化背景下的民主运动和民主团体是美国的政策，其最终目标是结束我们这个世界的专政统治。当今世界，政权制度的基础特征如同权力分配一样重要。我们治国策略的目标是帮助建立一个由民主的、合理统治的国家组成的世界，它们能够满足其人民的需要并在国际体系中担当起自己的责任。这是为美国人民提供持久安全保障的最佳方式。

Achieving this goal is the work of generations. The United States is in the early years of a long struggle, similar to what our country faced in the early years of the Cold War. The 20th century witnessed the triumph of freedom over the threats of fascism and communism. Yet a new totalitarian ideology now threatens, an ideology grounded not in secular philosophy but in the perversion of a proud religion. Its content may be different from the ideologies of the last century, but its means are similar: intolerance, murder, terror, enslavement, and repression.
达到这一目标需要几代人的努力。同我们在冷战初期所面临的情形相类似，美国目前处在一场长期奋战的初期阶段。二十世纪见证了法西斯主义和共产主义威胁下自由的繁荣。然而一种新的极权主义意识形态目前正威胁着我们，这种意识形态并非基于世俗的哲学，而是基于对一种可敬的宗教的曲解。其内容或许有别于上世纪那些意识形态，但其方式是类似的：不容异说、谋杀、恐怖活动、奴役与压迫。

Like those who came before us, we must lay the foundations and build the institutions that our country needs to meet the challenges we face. The chapters that follow will focus on several essential tasks. The United States must:
如同我们的先驱们，我们必须建立我国迎接这些挑战所需要的基础和机构。后面的章节将集中于几项主要任务方面。美国必须：

• Champion aspirations for human dignity;
支持对人类尊严的渴望；
• Strengthen alliances to defeat global terrorism and work to prevent attacks against us and our friends;
加强联盟，战胜国际恐怖主义，并防止针对我们及盟友的攻击；
• Work with others to defuse regional conflicts;
与相关方面合作以缓和区域性冲突；
• Prevent our enemies from threatening us, our allies, and our friends with weapons of mass destruction (WMD);
防止敌人利用大规模杀伤性武器(WMD)威胁我们、盟国以及友国；
• Ignite a new era of global economic growth through free markets and free trade;
通过自由市场与自由贸易开创全球经济增长的新纪元；
• Expand the circle of development by opening societies and building the infrastructure of democracy;
通过开放社会及建立民主基础结构来延长发展周期；
• Develop agendas for cooperative action with other main centers of global power;
编制与其它全球力量中心合作的日程；
• Transform America's national security institutions to meet the challenges and opportunities of the 21st century; and
改革美国的国家安全机构以迎接二十一世纪的挑战与机遇；以及
• Engage the opportunities and confront the challenges of globalization.
抓住全球化带来的机遇并应对其挑战。

在网上找到一份《美国国家安全战略2006》，共54页，很精美的PDF版本，还没有读。我想这是个好机会，一边阅读，一边尝试着翻译——两不耽误；而且我一直认为，翻译在很大程度上能够帮助理解——字斟句酌的过程中你自然会加深对原文的理解了；另外一个好处，在我看来，无论是国家战略，还是企业等其他组织战略，都有着共通之处，我想，从美国的国家安全战略中也能解读出一些管理的思想根源吧。

THE NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
美国国家安全战略

SEAL OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
MARCH 2006
合众国总统之印
2006年3月

THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
白宫
华盛顿

My fellow Americans,
America is at war。This is a wartime national security strategy required by the grave challenge we face - the rise of terrorism fueled by an aggressive ideology of hatred and murder, fully revealed to the American people on September 11, 2001. This strategy reflects our most solemn obligation: to protect the security of the American people.
美国同胞们，美国正经历战争。这是战时的国家安全战略，是为了应对我们所面临的严刻的挑战——极端的憎恨与谋杀意识形态使得恐怖主义滋长，并于2001年9月11日充分展现在美国人民面前。这一战略体现我们最为严肃的职责：保卫美国人民的安全。

America also has an unprecedented opportunity to lay the foundations for future peace.The ideals that have inspired our history - freedom, democracy, and human dignity - are increasingly inspiring individuals and nations throughout the world.And because free nations tend toward peace, the advance of liberty will make America more secure.
同时美国也拥有空前的机遇为未来的和平奠定基础。那些感动历史的理想——自由、民主、人类尊严——日益鼓舞着全世界的国家和人民。因为自由国家倾向于和平，所以自由的进步将使美国更加安全。

These inseparable priorities - fighting and winning the war on terror and promoting freedom as the alternative to tyranny and despair - have now guided American policy for more than 4 years.
这些不可分割的优先任务——打赢针对恐怖活动的战争以及推行自由以取代暴政与绝望——到现在已经引领美国的政策4年多了。

We have kept on the offensive against terrorist networks, leaving our enemy weakened, but not yet defeated.
一直以来，我们持续打击恐怖组织，敌人虽被削弱，但还未被最终击溃。

We have joined with the Afghan people to bring down the Taliban regime - the protectors of the al-Qaida network - and aided a new, democratic government to rise in its place.
我们与阿富汗人民一起推翻了塔利班政权——阿尔-卡伊达组织的庇护着——并协助建立了一个新的、民主的政府。

We have focused the attention of the world on the proliferation of dangerous weapons - although great challenges in this area remain.
我们的全球注意力集中在危险性武器扩散方面——尽管在这方面还存在着巨大的挑战。

We have stood for the spread of democracy in the broader Middle East - meeting challenges yet seeing progress few would have predicted or expected.
我们一直支持民主在更广泛的中东地区的传播——虽困难重重但已取得超乎预期的进展。

We have cultivated stable and cooperative relations with all the major powers of the world.
我们已经与全球主要力量建立了稳定的、合作的关系。

We have dramatically expanded our efforts to encourage economic development and the hope it brings - and focused these efforts on the promotion of reform and achievement of results.
我们付出了极大的努力以刺激经济的发展及其所带来的希望——而且这些努力的焦点一直集中于推进改革和收获成果。

We led an international coalition to topple the dictator of Iraq, who had brutalized his own people, terrorized his region, defied the international community, and sought and used weapons of mass destruction.
伊拉克的独裁统治者残酷地对待自己的人民，在其领域实施恐怖统治，公然挑战国际机构，发展并使用大规模杀伤性武器，而由我们领导的国际联盟已将其推翻。

And we are fighting alongside Iraqis to secure a united, stable, and democratic Iraq - a new ally in the war on terror in the heart of the Middle East.
而且我们正与伊拉克人民一同奋战，以保卫一个统一的、稳定的、民主的伊拉克——一个位于中东的核心地带、对抗恐怖主义的新的战争同盟。

We have seen great accomplishments, confronted new challenges, and refined our approach as conditions changed.We have also found that the defense of freedom brings us loss and sorrow, because freedom has determined enemies.We have always known that the war on terror would require great sacrifice - and in this war, we have said farewell to some very good men and women.The terrorists have used dramatic acts of murder - from the streets of Fallujah to the subways of London - in an attempt to undermine our will.The struggle against this enemy - an enemy that targets the innocent without conscience or hesitation - has been difficult.And our work is far from over.
面临新的挑战的同时，我们已经取得了巨大的成果，并且随着条件的变化，我们也一直在调整方式。我们也发现，捍卫自由同时带给我们损失与悲伤，因为自由面临着顽固的敌人。我们一直都清楚，反恐战争需要巨大的牺牲——在这场战争中，我们已经与一些很好的人诀别了。恐怖分子实施了大规模的谋杀行动——从费卢杰的街道到伦敦的地铁——试图削弱我们的意志。对这一敌人——以无辜者为目标，缺乏良知，毫无犹豫之心——的斗争一直困难重重，我们的任务远没有完成。

America now faces a choice between the path of fear and the path of confidence.The path of fear - isolationism and protectionism, retreat and retrenchment - appeals to those who find our challenges too great and fail to see our opportunities.Yet history teaches that every time American leaders have taken this path, the challenges have only increased and the missed opportunities have left future generations less secure.
美国现在面临两个选择：畏缩之路或是自信之路。畏缩之路——孤立主义与保护主义，撤退与内线防御——为彼等视挑战太艰巨及视机会而不见者之所好。然而历史告诉我们，每次当美国领导人选择这条途径，挑战只会变得更加艰巨，机会的失去将使后世子孙更缺乏安全。

This Administration has chosen the path of confidence.We choose leadership over isolationism,and the pursuit of free and fair trade and open markets over protectionism.We choose to deal with challenges now rather than leaving them for future generations.We fight our enemies abroad instead of waiting for them to arrive in our country.We seek to shape the world, not merely be shaped by it; to influence events for the better instead of being at their mercy.
我们这届政府选择了自信之路。我们选择领导而非孤立主义，追求自由与公平贸易、开放市场而非保护主义。我们选择现在迎接挑战而非将其留给后代。我们在海外与敌人作战而非等待敌人打到我们国内。我们选择塑造世界而非只是被其改变；影响事件朝好的方面发展而非无助地任由其摆布。

The path we have chosen is consistent with the great tradition of American foreign policy.Like the policies of Harry Truman and Ronald Reagan, our approach is idealistic about our national goals, and realistic about the means to achieve them.
我们的选择与美国外交政策的伟大传统是一致的。如同哈里·杜鲁门和罗纳德·里根的政策，我们的方式是关于国家目标的理想主义，是关于达成这些目标的方法的现实主义。

To follow this path, we must maintain and expand our national strength so we can deal with threats and challenges before they can damage our people or our interests.We must maintain amilitary without peer - yet our strength is not founded on force of arms alone. It also rests on economic prosperity and a vibrant democracy.And it rests on strong alliances, friendships, and international institutions, which enable us to promote freedom, prosperity, and peace in common purpose with others.
遵循这一道路，我们必须保持并扩展国家实力，才能在其伤害我们的人民或损害我们的利益之前处理威胁与挑战。我们必须保持无可匹敌的军事实力。但我们的强势并非仅基于武装力量，它同时存在于经济繁荣与充满活力的民主政治之中。它也存在于强有力的联盟、友谊与国际机构之中，这些使我们能够与其他（国家和人民）一同为着共同的目的促进自由、繁荣与和平。

Our national security strategy is founded upon two pillars:
我们的国家安全战略基于两大支柱之上：

The first pillar is promoting freedom, justice, and human dignity - working to end tyranny, to promote effective democracies, and to extend prosperity through free and fair trade and wise development policies.Free governments are accountable to their people, govern their territory effectively, and pursue economic and political policies that benefit their citizens.Free governments do not oppress their people or attack other free nations.Peace and international stability are most reliably built on a foundation of freedom.
第一是促进自由、公正与人类尊严——消灭专政统治，促进有效的民主政治，通过自由与公平贸易和明智的发展政策增进繁荣。自由政府为其人民尽责，有效统治其领土，寻求实施有利于民的经济和政治政策。自由政府不会压迫其人民或者攻击其他自由国家。和平与国际稳定最可靠地建立在自由的基础之上。

The second pillar of our strategy is confronting the challenges of our time by leading a growing community of democracies.Many of the problems we face - from the threat of pandemic disease, to proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, to terrorism, to human trafficking, to natural disasters - reach across borders.Effective multinational efforts are essential to solve these problems.Yet history has shown that only when we do our part will others do theirs.America must continue to lead.
我们的战略的第二大支柱是通过领导规模不断扩大的民主国家阵营来对抗当代的挑战。我们面临的很多问题——从大范围流行疾病的威胁，到大规模杀伤性武器的扩散，到恐怖主义，到人口交易，到自然灾害——都超越了国家界限。有效的多国联合努力是解决这些问题的基础。然而历史已经表明，只有当我们尽到自己的责任时别人才会尽到他们的责任。美国必须继续尽其领导之责。

GEORGE W. BUSH
THE WHITE HOUSE
MARCH 16, 2006

（布什的签名）
乔治·W·布什
白宫
2006年3月16日

Of course, minicomputers themselves had once been a disruptive technology. In the 1960s, employees had to take punch cards to the corporate mainframe computer center and wait in line for the computer specialists to run the job. System crashes occurred almost daily. At the outset, minicomputers were not nearly as capable as mainframes, so the professionals who operated the sophisticated computers -- and the companies that supplied them -- discounted their value. But minicomputers eventually enabled engineers to solve the problems that historically only the centralized computing facility could handle. Later on, pcs enabled the less-skilled masses to compute in the convenience of their offices and homes. Even though desktop computers could address at first only the simplest of computing problems, they subsequently evolved into cheap, reliable, and convenient machines, which today do tasks far more complex than those that mainframes and minicomputers used to solve.

当然，小型机本身也曾经是一项颠覆性技术。二十世纪六十年代，员工必须带着穿孔卡片到公司的大型计算机中心排队，等待计算机专家进行运算。开始时，小型机的性能根本无法与大型机相比，所以那些操作复杂计算机的专业人员（还有大型机供应商们）低估了小型机的价值。但小型机最终令工程人员可以解决以前只能通过集中计算设备才能处理的问题。后来，个人计算机又使得不擅长技术的大众在办公室和家中进行便利运算成为可能。尽管桌面计算机刚开始只能处理一些最简单的运算问题，但其随即演变成为便宜的、可靠的、方便的机器，其如今所能解决的问题远比当初大型机和小型机所能解决的问题要复杂得多。

These four factors explain why most minicomputer companies could not position themselves well in the personal computer market when the PC emerged. At first, no customers of the large computer companies could use the new devices. They were like toys; indeed, firms like Apple often marketed them for children. Although pcs were developed as early as 1977, the ultimate size of the market and the computers' great potential for word processing and spreadsheet analysis did not become clear until about 1984. The evolution of this market -- ultimately one ofthe world's largest bonanzas -- defied the skills of the world's best corporate planners and market forecasters. Moreover, the gross profit margins in minicomputers for a firm such as Digital -- the mid-range computer producer of the 1970s -- averaged about 45 percent, and those margins were always under pressure from competition. The choice was between making higher performance minicomputers, which promised margins of 60 percent and could be sold for more than $100,000 apiece, or personal computers, which yielded margins between 20 percent and 40 percent and were priced at $2,000 to $3,000 apiece. Hence personal computing represented a much smaller market than minicomputers did during the formative early years. Developing the PC, a classic disruptive technology, simply made no sense for minicomputer makers.

这四方面的因素针对小型机制造商在个人电脑刚刚出现时为何不能在个人电脑市场找到合理定位作出了解释。开始时，那些大电脑公司的顾客里没有一个能够使用这种新设备。它们看上去像玩具一样；实际上，像苹果这样的公司常常是针对儿童客户进行营销的。尽管个人电脑早在1977年就已经开发出来了，其最终市场规模及其在文字处理和数据分析方面的巨大潜力直到1984年才变得清晰起来。个人电脑市场的实际演变（最终成为全球最大的富矿带之一）与世界上最好的公司计划人员和市场预测人员的预计大相径庭。此外，像Digital这样的公司（二十世纪七十年代中等规模的计算机制造商），其毛利润率平均在45%左右，而且总是面临着竞争的压力。当时的选择有两个，一是制造性能更好的小型机，保障60%的利润率，每台售价在十万美金以上；二是制造个人计算机，利润率在20-40%之间，每台售价两千到三千美金。所以说，在开始几年还是形成期的时候，个人计算机所代表的市场比小型机市场要小得多。开发个人电脑（典型的颠覆性技术）对于小型机制造商来说简直一点意义也没有。